Next in Line – Romanians at the Gates of the EU (emigrants, border control, legislation)

The first of May 2004 marked an important date in the history of Europe as a political, geographic, and social entity. After years of negotiations, ten European countries joined the European Union, bringing in their potential and expectations, adding a total population of 75 million people and a territory of 738,000 square kilometres: Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovenia, Slovakia, Malta, Cyprus, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. The EU will continue its enlargement under the Luxembourg Presidency. The membership treaty with Bulgaria and Romania will be finalised with a view to signature in 25 April 2005, in order to join the EU by 2007. Once it has been signed, this will mark the end of the current accession cycle. Membership negotiations with Croatia should commence on 17 March 2005. In mid-December 2004 EU leaders endorsed eventual Turkish entry into the EU, but said that there could be permanent restrictions on freedom of movement for Turkish workers; earlier, the EU Parliament voted 407-262 in favour of Turkey's entry. Romania feels and acts like a European country. You will rather notice a European flag in Bucharest than in London, for example. Romania is not only a country who makes effort to join the European family, by introducing the necessary legal provisions in the national legislation, but it is already part of one, whole Europe, ruled by law, an area of Freedom, Security and Justice. Romania fights against immigration flows targeting Western Countries and guards the external border of European Union. In the same time, Romanians are spread all over Europe, living there alike other Europeans. Until the European Union Member States will decide that Romania truly deserves to join the family, Romanians have to prove that they do not only feel and act as Europeans, but they truly are EuropeansUE Enlargement, external border, Romania, European migration, labour mobility

The Bitter Taste of Strawberry Jam: Distortions on Romanian Labour Market beyond 2007

The paper is a contribution at the scientific debate of migration and mobility issues in the context of an enlarged European Union (EU-27). We consider that Romania, a country with a labour market that faces distortions, will benefit from migration on short term, but will need to import labour force in order to maintain the development trend. Remittances, as result of Romanians emigration after 2002, helped the economic development of the country in the last years (remittances’ inflow doubled the FDI). As a response to the media debate regarding Romania’s emigration, we consider that the fear of mass migration from Romania following the year 2007 is not justified. While the European (and mostly British) media cries on the threat of Bulgarians and Romanians’ emigration, as following to the 2007 accession, the scientific reports say that the A8 countries’ migration benefits to economy of the EU15 countries. In the same time, the Romanian media and the Romanian entrepreneurs announce the ‘Chinese invasion’ and the lack of labour in construction, industry and even agriculture. We see labour as goods: the economic theory say that goods are moving with the prices, the highest price attracts (more) goods. Romania is not only a gateway for the East-West international migration (like Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece for the South-North direction), but a labour market in need of workers. While a big part of the labour force is already migrated, mostly to the SE Europe (some 2.5m workers are cited to be abroad, with both legal and illegal/irregular status), the Romanian companies could not find local workers to use them in order to benefit from the money inflow targeting Romania in the light of its new membership to the European Union (foreign investments and European post accession funds). Instead of increasing the salaries, the local employers rather prefer to ‘import’ workers from poorer countries (Chinese, Moldavians, Ukrainians, who still accept a lower wage as compared to the medium wage in Romania, but bigger enough as compared to those from their country of origin). The paper concludes with the case of the Banat region, considered the ‘Western Europe’ from Romania, as a small scale model for the labour market relations within the whole EU.labour migration, labour market distortions, South-Eastern Europe Syndrome, network effect, decision making, motivation, need for esteem, Banat region

Romania, a Country in Need of Workers? The Bitter Taste of “Strawberry Jam”

The paper is a contribution at the scientific debate of migration and mobility issues in the context of an enlarged European Union (EU-27). We consider that Romania, a country with a labour market that faces distortions, will benefit from migration on short term, but will need to import labour force in order to maintain the development trend. Remittances, as result of Romanians emigration after 2002, helped the economic development of the country in the last years (remittances’ inflow doubled the FDI). As a response to the media debate regarding Romania’s emigration, we consider that the fear of mass migration from Romania following the year 2007 is not justified. While the European (and mostly British) media cries on the threat of Bulgarians and Romanians’ emigration, as following to the 2007 accession, the scientific reports say that the A8 countries’ migration benefits to economy of the EU15 countries. In the same time, the Romanian media and the Romanian entrepreneurs announce the ‘Chinese invasion’ and the lack of labour in construction, industry and even agriculture. We see labour as goods: the economic theory say that goods are moving with the prices, the highest price attracts (more) goods. Romania is not only a gateway for the East-West international migration (like Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece for the South-North direction), but a labour market in need of workers. While a big part of the labour force is already migrated, mostly to the SE Europe (some 2.5m workers are cited to be abroad, with both legal and illegal/irregular status), the Romanian companies could not find local workers to use them in order to benefit from the money inflow targeting Romania in the light of its new membership to the European Union (foreign investments and European post accession funds). Instead of increasing the salaries, the local employers rather prefer to ‘import’ workers from poorer countries (Moldavians, Chinese, Ukrainians, who still accept a lower wage as compared to the medium wage in Romania, but bigger enough as compared to those from their countries of origin).labour migration, labour market distortions, decision making, need for esteem

Europe, Space of Freedom and Security. Migration and mobility: Assets and challenges for the enlargement of the European Union

The ‘Jean Monnet’ European Centre of Excellence (C03/0110) and the School of High Comparative European Studies (SISEC), both from the West University of Timisoara, propose to launch the scientific debate on the migration and mobility within the Romanian universities, the academic life and among the policies and decision makers from Romania. The International Colloquium Migration and Mobility: Assets and Challenges for the Enlargement of the European Union proposed for 4-5 of May 2006 is part of the SISEC bi-annual project "EUROPE: SPACE OF FREEDOM AND SECURITY", dedicated to study of European Affairs, with focus on migration and mobility, in the framework of the European Year of Workers’ Mobility 2006. The participants were both renowned experts on migration and mobility, and PhD students interested in the challenging subjects proposed.migration EU acquis illegal migration irregula immigrants labour migration right to work EU enlargement cost and benefit analysis remittances development development networks circular migration Diasporas

Romania, Part of the European Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (Migration, Asylum, Borders)

At present, cross-border movement is a top priority issue on government agendas and in intergovernmental discussions. ‘Migration is as old as humanity, and it is a vital part of our future. And while migration policy is made at the national level, it has obvious international impact’ (UN, 2003). Over the past 15 years, the number of people crossing borders in search of a better life has been rising steadily. At the start of the 21st Century, one in every 35 people is an international migrant. If they all lived in the same place, it would be the world’s fifth-largest country (BBC, 2004). In Europe, as elsewhere, international migration has become a topical issue in public, political and academic debates. Most European countries are experiencing increased flows of immigration. Already millions of immigrants have come to stay, first in North-western Europe but increasingly also in other regions, and the odds are that many more immigrants will follow in the coming decades. The immigration flows have been triggered by several causes, including family reunification, political persecution, ecological disasters, or disparities in economic opportunity, and so forth. These flows show a tremendous variation in size and spatial distribution. Whatever the causes of international migration or the kind of selection at the border, old and new immigrations have obviously produced all sorts of social, cultural, political and economic changes, and impacted on general trends in specific ways. Immigrants have contributed to population growth, filled labour shortages and contributed to growth and competitiveness. In sectors in which foreign and domestic labour can easily be substituted for each other, employment of immigrants has also increased unemployment among native-born workers. Labour rigidities in almost all European countries mean that, paradoxically, new immigrant flows coexist with low force-force participation rates, labour shortages and unemployment. Migration policies need to take into account not only the commonalities but also the differences among European labour markets. Distinct migration regimes in northern and southern Europe require differentiated policy approaches. More importantly, migration policies cannot substitute for required domestic economic and social policies. The complexities involved and the need for coordination across various policy domains require new institutional mechanisms to design policy with the active participation by all stakeholders. In light of European integration and enlargement, migration-migration policies should become an integral component of the EU policy agenda (Katseli, 2003). It is a known fact that economic policies implemented in order to liberalise the new markets are likely to, as a secondary effect, curb the number of migrants. For example, free trade policies pursued by the West are likely to lead to a greater convergence of consumer prices and eventually of factor prices. Also, direct foreign investment is helping to improve the economic climate in Central and East European countries, providing for a higher standard of living (Radeva, 2004). A “frontier-free” Europe cannot be attained by mere ‘deregulation’, but presupposes a network of other controls. Typically, of course, frontiers controls simply moves to another place, perhaps in the form of more regular and random internal checks of forms of identity, or requirements to register a domicile (Shaw (2000), pag.380). Fears and scepticism in the West and hopefulness and optimism in the East are some of the factors which have prompted research done on the potential outcomes of liberalised migration. Two of the most relevant indicators for determining the quantity of migrants are implementation of the Schengen Acquis and economic support for higher growth. The new EU legislation would inevitably cause conflicts with previous bilateral agreements between accession and non-accession countries. Moreover, the differences between GDPs of old and of new EU member states establish a strong argument in favour of migration. A report by the WTO secretariat said temporary labour liberalisation could generate annual gains of 150 billion to 200 billion dollars. 'Gains are estimated to accrue to both developed and developing countries, and would come mainly from the movement of low-skilled workers rather than high skilled workers,' it added (WTO's 2004 World Trade Report, as quoted in AFP (2004)). The increased labour migration has economic effects. Labour movements were now ungovernable because of the interdependence of markets and economies. What was needed was an open labour movement. National policies were still designed for an autonomous, closed system. Countries were no longer self-sufficient in capital, trade and labour and while this had never fully been the case, the level of interdependence reached required countries to address migratory flows with greater urgency. Migrant remittances are a vital factor in development. The sums transferred to developing countries are large – and they are growing fast. And in developed countries, migrant labour is increasingly important, particularly in view of current demographic trends (UN, 2003). The migratory flows Europe would largely be transitory and circulatory. Immigration implied settlement, but as people became more aware of the potential for short-term labour migration, they would no longer aim at full settlement. Compensation for demographic factors, reduction in life-long work time through extended education and greater overall wealth, leading to an early withdrawal from the workforce through retirement could increasingly come from migratory flows. Many people were retiring earlier, but living longer lives. Nurses and care staff from third countries, which had, to some extent been purposely recruited outside the EU, were currently providing care for many of Europe’s elderly and sick. This sporadic recruitment of workers, despite the high percentage of unemployment in most European countries, was emblematic of current trends in the underutilisation of the labour force. While Member States were building their policies around recruiting the ‘best and brightest’ from third countries, what was really necessary to ease the apparent gap were low- to mid-skilled workers. The European public would have to learn to understand the co-dependence of low-skilled and high-skilled labour.Europe, Romania, migration, asylum, borders, Area of Freedom

The Bitter Taste of Strawberry Jam: Distortions on Romanian Labour Market beyond 2007

The paper is a contribution at the scientific debate of migration and mobility issues in the context of an enlarged European Union (EU-27). We consider that Romania, a country with a labour market that faces distortions, will benefit from migration on short term, but will need to import labour force in order to maintain the development trend. Remittances, as result of Romanians emigration after 2002, helped the economic development of the country in the last years (remittances’ inflow doubled the FDI). As a response to the media debate regarding Romania’s emigration, we consider that the fear of mass migration from Romania following the year 2007 is not justified. While the European (and mostly British) media cries on the threat of Bulgarians and Romanians’ emigration, as following to the 2007 accession, the scientific reports say that the A8 countries’ migration benefits to economy of the EU15 countries. In the same time, the Romanian media and the Romanian entrepreneurs announce the ‘Chinese invasion’ and the lack of labour in construction, industry and even agriculture. We see labour as goods: the economic theory say that goods are moving with the prices, the highest price attracts (more) goods. Romania is not only a gateway for the East-West international migration (like Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece for the South-North direction), but a labour market in need of workers. While a big part of the labour force is already migrated, mostly to the SE Europe (some 2.5m workers are cited to be abroad, with both legal and illegal/irregular status), the Romanian companies could not find local workers to use them in order to benefit from the money inflow targeting Romania in the light of its new membership to the European Union (foreign investments and European post accession funds). Instead of increasing the salaries, the local employers rather prefer to ‘import’ workers from poorer countries (Chinese, Moldavians, Ukrainians, who still accept a lower wage as compared to the medium wage in Romania, but bigger enough as compared to those from their country of origin). The paper concludes with the case of the Banat region, considered the ‘Western Europe’ from Romania, as a small scale model for the labour market relations within the whole EU

Migration, Mobility and Human Rights at the Eastern Border of the European Union - Space of Freedom and Security

This edited collection of migration papers would like to emphasise the acute need for migration related study and research in Romania. At this time, migration and mobility are studied as minor subjects in Economics, Sociology, Political Sciences and European Studies only (mostly at post-graduate level). We consider that Romanian universities need more ‘migration studies’, while research should cover migration as a whole, migration and mobility being analysed from different points of view – social, economical, legal etc. Romania is part of the European Migration Space not only as a source of labourers for the European labour market, but also as source of quality research for the European scientific arena. Even a country located at the eastern border of the European Union, we consider Romania as part of the European area of freedom, security and justice, and therefore interested in solving correctly all challenges incurred by the complex phenomena of migration and workers’ mobility at the European level. The waves of illegal immigrants arriving continuously on the Spanish, Italian and Maltese shores, and the workers’ flows from the new Member States from Central and Eastern Europe following the 2004 accession, forced the EU officials and the whole Europe to open the debate on the economical and mostly social consequences of labour mobility. This study volume is our contribution to this important scientific debate. Starting with the spring of 2005, the Jean Monnet European Centre of Excellence and the School of High Comparative European Studies (SISEC), both within the West University of Timisoara, have proposed a series of events in order to raise the awareness of the Romanian scientific environment on this very sensitive issues: migration and mobility in the widen European Space. An annual international event to celebrate 9 May - The Europe Day was already a tradition for SISEC (an academic formula launched back in 1995 in order to prepare national experts in European affairs, offering academic post-graduate degrees in High European Studies). With the financial support from the Jean Monnet Programme (DG Education and Culture, European Commission), a first migration panel was organised in the framework of the international colloquium ‘Romania and the European Union in 2007’ held in Timisoara between 6 and 7 of May 2005 (panel Migration, Asylum and Human Rights at the Eastern Border of the European Union). Having in mind the positive welcoming of the migration related subjects during the 2005 colloquium, a second event was organised on 5 May 2006 in the framework of the European Year of Workers’ Mobility: the international colloquium Migration and Mobility: Assets and Challenges for the Enlargement of the European Union. In the same period, the Jean Monnet European Centre of Excellence, SISEC and The British Council in Bucharest have jointly edited two special issues of The Romanian Journal of European Studies, no.4/2005 and 5-6/2006, both dedicated to migration and mobility. Preliminary versions of many of the chapters of this volume were presented at the above mentioned international events. The papers were chosen according to their scientific quality, after an anonymously peer-review selection. The authors debate both theoretical issues and practical results of their research. They are renowned experts at international level, members of the academia, PhD students or experienced practitioners involved in the management of the migration flows at the governmental level. This volume was financed by the Jean Monnet Programme of the Directorate General Education and Culture, European Commission, throughout the Jean Monnet European Centre of Excellence (C03/0110) within the West University of Timisoara, Romania, and is dedicated to the European Year of Workers’ Mobility 2006. Timisoara, December 2006migration, mobility, asylum, human rights, European Union, border, migration space, EU enlargement policymaking, European identity, migration governance, migration management, EU decision-making, Europe, Romania, Eastern border, Schengen, justice, freedom, security, home affairs, migration networks, labour markets, employment, immigration, illegal migration, Central and Eastern Europe, social capital, distortions, need for esteem, migration research,

Romania, Part of the European Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (Migration, Asylum, Borders)

At present, cross-border movement is a top priority issue on government agendas and in intergovernmental discussions. ‘Migration is as old as humanity, and it is a vital part of our future. And while migration policy is made at the national level, it has obvious international impact’ (UN, 2003). Over the past 15 years, the number of people crossing borders in search of a better life has been rising steadily. At the start of the 21st Century, one in every 35 people is an international migrant. If they all lived in the same place, it would be the world’s fifth-largest country (BBC, 2004). In Europe, as elsewhere, international migration has become a topical issue in public, political and academic debates. Most European countries are experiencing increased flows of immigration. Already millions of immigrants have come to stay, first in North-western Europe but increasingly also in other regions, and the odds are that many more immigrants will follow in the coming decades. The immigration flows have been triggered by several causes, including family reunification, political persecution, ecological disasters, or disparities in economic opportunity, and so forth. These flows show a tremendous variation in size and spatial distribution. Whatever the causes of international migration or the kind of selection at the border, old and new immigrations have obviously produced all sorts of social, cultural, political and economic changes, and impacted on general trends in specific ways. Immigrants have contributed to population growth, filled labour shortages and contributed to growth and competitiveness. In sectors in which foreign and domestic labour can easily be substituted for each other, employment of immigrants has also increased unemployment among native-born workers. Labour rigidities in almost all European countries mean that, paradoxically, new immigrant flows coexist with low force-force participation rates, labour shortages and unemployment. Migration policies need to take into account not only the commonalities but also the differences among European labour markets. Distinct migration regimes in northern and southern Europe require differentiated policy approaches. More importantly, migration policies cannot substitute for required domestic economic and social policies. The complexities involved and the need for coordination across various policy domains require new institutional mechanisms to design policy with the active participation by all stakeholders. In light of European integration and enlargement, migration-migration policies should become an integral component of the EU policy agenda (Katseli, 2003). It is a known fact that economic policies implemented in order to liberalise the new markets are likely to, as a secondary effect, curb the number of migrants. For example, free trade policies pursued by the West are likely to lead to a greater convergence of consumer prices and eventually of factor prices. Also, direct foreign investment is helping to improve the economic climate in Central and East European countries, providing for a higher standard of living (Radeva, 2004). A “frontier-free” Europe cannot be attained by mere ‘deregulation’, but presupposes a network of other controls. Typically, of course, frontiers controls simply moves to another place, perhaps in the form of more regular and random internal checks of forms of identity, or requirements to register a domicile (Shaw (2000), pag.380). Fears and scepticism in the West and hopefulness and optimism in the East are some of the factors which have prompted research done on the potential outcomes of liberalised migration. Two of the most relevant indicators for determining the quantity of migrants are implementation of the Schengen Acquis and economic support for higher growth. The new EU legislation would inevitably cause conflicts with previous bilateral agreements between accession and non-accession countries. Moreover, the differences between GDPs of old and of new EU member states establish a strong argument in favour of migration. A report by the WTO secretariat said temporary labour liberalisation could generate annual gains of 150 billion to 200 billion dollars. 'Gains are estimated to accrue to both developed and developing countries, and would come mainly from the movement of low-skilled workers rather than high skilled workers,' it added (WTO's 2004 World Trade Report, as quoted in AFP (2004)). The increased labour migration has economic effects. Labour movements were now ungovernable because of the interdependence of markets and economies. What was needed was an open labour movement. National policies were still designed for an autonomous, closed system. Countries were no longer self-sufficient in capital, trade and labour and while this had never fully been the case, the level of interdependence reached required countries to address migratory flows with greater urgency. Migrant remittances are a vital factor in development. The sums transferred to developing countries are large – and they are growing fast. And in developed countries, migrant labour is increasingly important, particularly in view of current demographic trends (UN, 2003). The migratory flows Europe would largely be transitory and circulatory. Immigration implied settlement, but as people became more aware of the potential for short-term labour migration, they would no longer aim at full settlement. Compensation for demographic factors, reduction in life-long work time through extended education and greater overall wealth, leading to an early withdrawal from the workforce through retirement could increasingly come from migratory flows. Many people were retiring earlier, but living longer lives. Nurses and care staff from third countries, which had, to some extent been purposely recruited outside the EU, were currently providing care for many of Europe’s elderly and sick. This sporadic recruitment of workers, despite the high percentage of unemployment in most European countries, was emblematic of current trends in the underutilisation of the labour force. While Member States were building their policies around recruiting the ‘best and brightest’ from third countries, what was really necessary to ease the apparent gap were low- to mid-skilled workers. The European public would have to learn to understand the co-dependence of low-skilled and high-skilled labour

Romania, Part of the European Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (Migration, Asylum, Borders)

At present, cross-border movement is a top priority issue on government agendas and in intergovernmental discussions. ‘Migration is as old as humanity, and it is a vital part of our future. And while migration policy is made at the national level, it has obvious international impact’ (UN, 2003). Over the past 15 years, the number of people crossing borders in search of a better life has been rising steadily. At the start of the 21st Century, one in every 35 people is an international migrant. If they all lived in the same place, it would be the world’s fifth-largest country (BBC, 2004). In Europe, as elsewhere, international migration has become a topical issue in public, political and academic debates. Most European countries are experiencing increased flows of immigration. Already millions of immigrants have come to stay, first in North-western Europe but increasingly also in other regions, and the odds are that many more immigrants will follow in the coming decades. The immigration flows have been triggered by several causes, including family reunification, political persecution, ecological disasters, or disparities in economic opportunity, and so forth. These flows show a tremendous variation in size and spatial distribution. Whatever the causes of international migration or the kind of selection at the border, old and new immigrations have obviously produced all sorts of social, cultural, political and economic changes, and impacted on general trends in specific ways. Immigrants have contributed to population growth, filled labour shortages and contributed to growth and competitiveness. In sectors in which foreign and domestic labour can easily be substituted for each other, employment of immigrants has also increased unemployment among native-born workers. Labour rigidities in almost all European countries mean that, paradoxically, new immigrant flows coexist with low force-force participation rates, labour shortages and unemployment. Migration policies need to take into account not only the commonalities but also the differences among European labour markets. Distinct migration regimes in northern and southern Europe require differentiated policy approaches. More importantly, migration policies cannot substitute for required domestic economic and social policies. The complexities involved and the need for coordination across various policy domains require new institutional mechanisms to design policy with the active participation by all stakeholders. In light of European integration and enlargement, migration-migration policies should become an integral component of the EU policy agenda (Katseli, 2003). It is a known fact that economic policies implemented in order to liberalise the new markets are likely to, as a secondary effect, curb the number of migrants. For example, free trade policies pursued by the West are likely to lead to a greater convergence of consumer prices and eventually of factor prices. Also, direct foreign investment is helping to improve the economic climate in Central and East European countries, providing for a higher standard of living (Radeva, 2004). A “frontier-free” Europe cannot be attained by mere ‘deregulation’, but presupposes a network of other controls. Typically, of course, frontiers controls simply moves to another place, perhaps in the form of more regular and random internal checks of forms of identity, or requirements to register a domicile (Shaw (2000), pag.380). Fears and scepticism in the West and hopefulness and optimism in the East are some of the factors which have prompted research done on the potential outcomes of liberalised migration. Two of the most relevant indicators for determining the quantity of migrants are implementation of the Schengen Acquis and economic support for higher growth. The new EU legislation would inevitably cause conflicts with previous bilateral agreements between accession and non-accession countries. Moreover, the differences between GDPs of old and of new EU member states establish a strong argument in favour of migration. A report by the WTO secretariat said temporary labour liberalisation could generate annual gains of 150 billion to 200 billion dollars. 'Gains are estimated to accrue to both developed and developing countries, and would come mainly from the movement of low-skilled workers rather than high skilled workers,' it added (WTO's 2004 World Trade Report, as quoted in AFP (2004)). The increased labour migration has economic effects. Labour movements were now ungovernable because of the interdependence of markets and economies. What was needed was an open labour movement. National policies were still designed for an autonomous, closed system. Countries were no longer self-sufficient in capital, trade and labour and while this had never fully been the case, the level of interdependence reached required countries to address migratory flows with greater urgency. Migrant remittances are a vital factor in development. The sums transferred to developing countries are large – and they are growing fast. And in developed countries, migrant labour is increasingly important, particularly in view of current demographic trends (UN, 2003). The migratory flows Europe would largely be transitory and circulatory. Immigration implied settlement, but as people became more aware of the potential for short-term labour migration, they would no longer aim at full settlement. Compensation for demographic factors, reduction in life-long work time through extended education and greater overall wealth, leading to an early withdrawal from the workforce through retirement could increasingly come from migratory flows. Many people were retiring earlier, but living longer lives. Nurses and care staff from third countries, which had, to some extent been purposely recruited outside the EU, were currently providing care for many of Europe’s elderly and sick. This sporadic recruitment of workers, despite the high percentage of unemployment in most European countries, was emblematic of current trends in the underutilisation of the labour force. While Member States were building their policies around recruiting the ‘best and brightest’ from third countries, what was really necessary to ease the apparent gap were low- to mid-skilled workers. The European public would have to learn to understand the co-dependence of low-skilled and high-skilled labour

Migration, Mobility and Human Rights at the Eastern Border of the European Union - Space of Freedom and Security

This edited collection of migration papers would like to emphasise the acute need for migration related study and research in Romania. At this time, migration and mobility are studied as minor subjects in Economics, Sociology, Political Sciences and European Studies only (mostly at post-graduate level). We consider that Romanian universities need more ‘migration studies’, while research should cover migration as a whole, migration and mobility being analysed from different points of view – social, economical, legal etc. Romania is part of the European Migration Space not only as a source of labourers for the European labour market, but also as source of quality research for the European scientific arena. Even a country located at the eastern border of the European Union, we consider Romania as part of the European area of freedom, security and justice, and therefore interested in solving correctly all challenges incurred by the complex phenomena of migration and workers’ mobility at the European level. The waves of illegal immigrants arriving continuously on the Spanish, Italian and Maltese shores, and the workers’ flows from the new Member States from Central and Eastern Europe following the 2004 accession, forced the EU officials and the whole Europe to open the debate on the economical and mostly social consequences of labour mobility. This study volume is our contribution to this important scientific debate. Starting with the spring of 2005, the Jean Monnet European Centre of Excellence and the School of High Comparative European Studies (SISEC), both within the West University of Timisoara, have proposed a series of events in order to raise the awareness of the Romanian scientific environment on this very sensitive issues: migration and mobility in the widen European Space. An annual international event to celebrate 9 May - The Europe Day was already a tradition for SISEC (an academic formula launched back in 1995 in order to prepare national experts in European affairs, offering academic post-graduate degrees in High European Studies). With the financial support from the Jean Monnet Programme (DG Education and Culture, European Commission), a first migration panel was organised in the framework of the international colloquium ‘Romania and the European Union in 2007’ held in Timisoara between 6 and 7 of May 2005 (panel Migration, Asylum and Human Rights at the Eastern Border of the European Union). Having in mind the positive welcoming of the migration related subjects during the 2005 colloquium, a second event was organised on 5 May 2006 in the framework of the European Year of Workers’ Mobility: the international colloquium Migration and Mobility: Assets and Challenges for the Enlargement of the European Union. In the same period, the Jean Monnet European Centre of Excellence, SISEC and The British Council in Bucharest have jointly edited two special issues of The Romanian Journal of European Studies, no.4/2005 and 5-6/2006, both dedicated to migration and mobility. Preliminary versions of many of the chapters of this volume were presented at the above mentioned international events. The papers were chosen according to their scientific quality, after an anonymously peer-review selection. The authors debate both theoretical issues and practical results of their research. They are renowned experts at international level, members of the academia, PhD students or experienced practitioners involved in the management of the migration flows at the governmental level. This volume was financed by the Jean Monnet Programme of the Directorate General Education and Culture, European Commission, throughout the Jean Monnet European Centre of Excellence (C03/0110) within the West University of Timisoara, Romania, and is dedicated to the European Year of Workers’ Mobility 2006. Timisoara, December 200